The
Communist Revolution of China:
A Marxist Revolution?
Charlie Ma
Communism
and Marxism are interchangeable to many, a dangerous
misconception. Communal societies have existed for
thousands of years, while Marxism was only created during
the mid-nineteenth century. Communism is the general
communal sharing of property. Marxism is specific to
industrial nations, involving the revolutionary overthrow
of the pro-capitalist government from the roots by an
oppressed proletarian class, leading to the emancipation
of the proletariate from the bottom of the social
hierarchy, the formation of a single class from the
abolition of all classes, and the abolition of private
property such that all property becomes public. Marxist
theory predicts the proletariat will inevitably seize
control of the means of production. Marxism is so
specific that a nation could be under Communist rule
without following the Marxist doctrine.
Another
common misconception is that all Communist states are the
same, a mistake even the US government believed in early
stages of the Cold War. Communist nations have their own
unique style of Communism. Russia for example, regards
itself as the most authentic communist nation, following
a Marx-Leninist doctrine, yet it is also a highly
stratified nation. A better example of a variation from
Marxism is the Communist Revolution of China. Though the
idea of a functional communal society was present,
numerous deviations from Marxism exist.
The
Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels,
served as the foundation for Marxism, which was aimed at
highly industrialized nations like Britain or Germany,
and not rural agrarian societies like China. According to
Marx, the proletariat is a class who lives as long as
they can find work, where work exists only when it is
profitable. The proletariate, or the working class,
suffered from high unemployment, unsafe work
environments, long hours, and unsanitary living
conditions. This class was a large problem for Britain or
Germany, who both had large populations of workers
growing increasingly dissatisfied as revolutionary ideas
spread, becoming increasingly organized and enlightened,
and swelling in numbers each day. This class concentrated
in the cities, which contained a large percentage of the
total population.
China's
massive rural population made the small groups of workers
seem negligible. Her cities were small, and few factories
existed in them. Industrialization for China did not
begun until World War I during which trade routes were
cut off and production shifted from civil to military.
Goods became scarce causing demand to soar, making it
profitable to start factories. The overwhelming majority
of China's population were composed of peasant farmers.
The lack of industrialization created a chain reaction
which led to further deviations.
The
difference in size of the proletariate caused another
deviation from Marxism. The main revolt did not come from
the workers of industrial cities as Marx had envisioned.
Instead, it came from the peasant farmers from the rural
countryside. Communists had always believed that their
revolution would have to be spearheaded by oppressed
factory workers in the cities, but Mao showed that the
revolutionary base could be established in a region far
from the cities and towns. From these peasants Mao
recruited members for the C.C.P. and the Chinese Red
Army. The Communists originally hoped to create a massive
revolt in all the cities to topple capitalism, but each
riot was quickly put down by the Nationalist forces.
There were not enough urban workers to effectively gain
control of the cities.
In
China, virtually all the revolts incited by the Chinese
Communist Party were quickly ended. The few successful
revolts were aided by the Guomindang which later sided
against the Communists. The arrests and executions of
Communist leaders were usually enough to stabilize the
situation. One example is known as the Nanjing Road
incident. When two thousand students distributed leaflets
in the International Settlement, hundreds were arrested,
others were brutally assaulted. Thirty thousand
surrounded the police station the next day. The British
police killed five, and injured fifty, leading to the
formation of The Workers' General Union. Within half a
month, one hundred and fifty thousand were on strike in
Shanghai. Even a strike of this magnitude failed. The
main reason for the failure was the workers' dependency
upon the same market they struck against. This is why the
peasants had much more success. Unions did poorly in
winning their demands in China. This does not happen in a
Marxist revolution. The proletariat would be so strong
that they could not be defeated.
The
lack of power in the proletariate class can also be
explained by the lack of competition, which is an
important ingredient in a Marxist revolution. As the
competition increases, the wage decreases, until it will
be just enough for subsistence. This will cause the
workers to resent the owners whom they work for. The fear
of wages dropping even further (caused by high supply of
workers and low demand of labor) would provoke the men to
unite (to artificially create a low supply of workers and
thus a high demand of labor.) This is one of the basis of
the union. In the early stages of a Marxist revolution,
the workers begin to form trade unions against the
bourgeoises to maintain a fair wage, as well as prepare
for occasional revolts and riots. The success of the
unions will lead to the formation of new unions, as well
as the expansion of existing unions until the entire
class is united. When the workers rise up again, they
would have enough strength to replace the existing system
of government. The unions are a key step in the power
struggle between the bourgeois and the proletariat.
Without this step, the workers will not have enough power
to make any real change. In China, unions were still weak
and unorganized.
According
to Marx, only the most efficient capitalist will survive,
the unfit will slip into the proletariat. The competition
amongst the capitalists will eventually eliminate all but
a few capitalists, creating a large proletariat class. At
that stage, the proletariat will be so large and
organized that they would easily overthrow their
oppressors. In China, the proletariat did not form unions
large enough to carry any notable political weight to the
current government. "Because the unions were small
and weak, ... strikes usually ended in failure. Moreover,
there were no labour laws to protect the workers. The
warlord government in Peking was indifferent to the
plight of industrial workers and had no power to
interfere with factories in the treaty ports." Marx
did not consider racial differences as the ones which
existed in China. Whites were considered superior to
Asians, they had their own parks, and other special
privileges. Even if the owners do fail, they would not
join the proletariat class in China due to the virtue of
having white skin. They industrial conditions were not
mature enough for a Marxist revolution. The organization
of unions were poor, and their numbers were small. The
proletariate class has not yet grown to the magnitude
Marx was expecting. Any strike while the conditions were
still immature could not yield the impact Marx
envisioned.
The
Chinese Communists did not want to wait until conditions
were ripe. They wanted the revolution to occur as soon it
could. The shortage of manpower from within the cities
limited any revolution in China to start only in the
countryside. Cities are easier to defend against an army
because close combat reduces the advantages of military
training and organization, excellent weapons and
marksmanship are not as important in close range
situations, revolutionaries can easily hide amongst
civilians, and the revolutionary forces are concentrated
which makes them more effective. Rural areas cannot be
effectively maintained by civilians because
revolutionaries would be spread too thin, and many other
factors which would allow an army to easily regain the
area and eliminate the perpetrators.
The
most effective alternative was to form a guerrilla army.
The Communist Army had to hide in northern China in the
rural countryside in order to be safely out of reach of
the Nationalist forces. The mountain regions in northern
China gave them protection and shelter. From there, they
exercised Communism with safety, and slowly spread their
revolutionary ideas. There were occasional skirmishes
whenever the Nationalists sent an army to fight the
Communists, though guerrilla tactics gave the Red Army
the edge they needed to win. Hiding in the mountain
regions meant they were too far away from any industrial
city to have any notable influence there. After World War
II ended, the Red Army swelled to approximately two
million troops, and became strong enough to take on the
Nationalists. The Red Army eventually defeated the
Nationalists militarily, and took control of China. This
is drastically different from Marx's revolution since it
was military might, not political power, that changed the
governmental and economical system. Instead of a large
scale proletariat revolt which overthrows capitalism, it
was a peasant army which defeated the government
militarily.
Marxism
does not involve revolutionary peasants. To Marx, the
peasants were conservative rather than radicle.
"[The peasant] fight against the bourgeoisie, to
save from extinction their existence as fractions of the
middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but
conservative. Nay more, they are reactionary, for they
try to roll back the wheel of history." The
revolutionary class in China was not composed entirely of
the proletariat. The peasants actually made up of the
majority of the revolutionary class. China's revolution
can be summed up in terms of the peasant's revolt, for it
was the peasants who provided the backbone of the
revolution. They supplied the Chinese Red Army with food
and shelter, and even enlisting in the army which was
composed almost entirely of peasant farmers. They did not
try to reverse history as Marx envisioned, but helped to
advance the revolution. "Given time the [Chinese]
Red Army could turn defeat into final victory. But it had
to live off the land and this was possible only if the
peasants and the countryfolk accepted and supported
them." Without the peasants, it is doubtful any
revolution after the Guomindang took power would have
been successful at all. Unlike the industrialized nations
where peasants were grouped with the capitalistic middle
class, Chinese peasants were closer to the proletariat.
The
proletariat and peasant farmers were similar. They were
in the bottom strata of an oppressive hierarchy, making
up the masses. They were the backbone of the society, and
were exploited by the people above them. "All
previous historical movements were movements of
minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The
proletarian movement is the self conscious, independent
movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the
immense majority." The proletariat class to Marx is
synonymous to the Chinese serfs. The Communist Revolution
of China offered many promising reforms to the poor
peasant farmers whom never had much power in the past.
Like the proletariat, the peasant class was an immense
group which was often neglected. Both the proletariat and
the peasants usually lived an unpleasant life. The
industrial workers of Europe lived in filthy slums where
little attention was paid to their welfare. There was
little security. If someone was injured, then they would
become unemployed and effectively left to die. Children
often fell asleep in front of dangerous machines. The
peasant farmers were no better off.
When the peasant is ruined, he has to sell his field and
his hut. If it happens to be a good year, he may just be
able to pay his debts. But no sooner and has the harvest
been brought in than the grain bins are empty again, and
contract in hand and sack on back, he has to go off and
start borrowing again. He has heavier interest to pay,
and soon he has not got enough to eat. If there is a
famine he falls into utter ruin. Families disperse,
parents separate, they seek to become slaves, and no one
will buy them.
Though
the proletariat and the Chinese farmers had many
similarities, this generalization however, does not
suffice. Not only is the urban life of a proletariat
worker quite different from those of a farmer, they also
exist in a very different setting. Most of the farmers
owned the plot of land which they worked on. They worked
for themselves, their earnings were relative to their
effort and skill. Aside from taxes, the farmers owned the
harvests, and could do whatever they wanted with it. They
had much more freedom than the industrial workers. The
proletariat had to work long hours everyday, often with
quotas to meet. The proletariat lived in dense cities
where the unemployed could gather and discuss
revolutionary issues; discontents could exchange ideas
with intellectuals easily. The peasant farmers lived in a
low density setting where work was endless, and
intellectuals were scarce.
A
key distinction between peasants and workers are their
relationship to private property. Farmers rely on their
private property for wealth, it is essential to them. The
proletariate rely on their labour for wealth, property is
a luxury to them. They do not need the tools of
production as the peasants do. One criticism of Communism
which seemed so radical and unheard of was the concept of
abolishing private property. Marx was not terribly
concerned about this possible problem because of the
conditions of the average European, especially from
England or Germany. "You are horrified at our
intending to do away with private property. But in your
existing society, private property is already done away
with for nine tenths of the population; its existence for
the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands
of those nine tenths." This reassurance however,
only applied to heavily industrialized nations were the
masses consisted almost entirely of the proletariate
class, who owned little more than what they wore. In
China's case, the nine tenth of the population were
peasant farmers instead. The peasants had assorted
privately owned property from livestock to machinery to
land which not only has economic and utilitarian value,
but sentimental value as well. This was why the peasant
farmers would be reluctant to give up their private
property. It is even more evident here that Marx did not
write The Communist Manifesto with a largely agrarian
nation like China in mind. The peasants supported
Communism because they believed they were going to gain
land (from the wealthy), and not lose it. Under Mao, the
peasants gradually lost the rights to their property.
The
heart of any Communist revolution is the abolition of
private property. The Chinese Communist Party's ultimate
goal was same as that of Marx. They believed that under
common ownership, use of resources would be more
efficient. They did not immediately move the population
into communes however. The Communists prepared the people
in small steps. "When the Communists had come to
power in 1949, they had confiscated farm land and turned
it over to the peasants. A few years later the Party
organized the peasants into small co-operative
farms" The small incremental steps gave the peasants
experience. First, individual families gained their own
property to work on, instead of working for a landlord.
Then, groups of thirty to forty families collectively
worked together much like Marx described. The production
did not meet the demand so the government decided to
"organize still larger agricultural units called
communes." During the period known as the
"great leap forward", twenty-five thousand
communes of approximately five thousand households each
were established. "These peasants not only lost
their remaining rights in the land but also had to turn
over their work animals and farm equipment to the
commune." Many people, however, were given small
plots of land as a private garden when the government
realized even gradual changes were too fast for the
peasants.
Instead
of rising with the progress of industry, the modern
laborer sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of
existence of their own class. Karl Marx uses this to
justify the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. One of the aims
of Communism is to solve this problem. After the Chinese
Communist Revolution, everyone's income was relatively
equal. Although "some workers were paid bonuses for
producing more than others", this was eventually
discouraged by the government. The workers' income was
based on the profit of their team so the more efficient
teams earned slightly more money. Each individual
worker's income is also based on skill, ability, and
difficulty. Despite the variations, people of the same
type of occupation had similar incomes. Under Communism,
instead of sinking deeper, the living conditions in class
become similar. Though the end result coincided with
Marxism, the beginning is very different.
The
living conditions of the proletariat were indeed
deteriorating for the benefit of the other classes. The
scenario was different however, with the peasant farmers.
The decline in the standard living of peasants was not
due to continual exploitation as was the case with the
proletariat. The Chinese were fighting Japanese invaders
which had a vastly superior military force. They also had
to support the ongoing civil war during crisis times like
the famine. During the war, tax rates soared to ridicules
levels, sometimes over fifty percent. The wartime
conditions declined for everyone, not just a single
class. The Communist Manifesto was aimed at the working
class during peacetime, not during a war. It was only
during war that conditions for Chinese farmers steadily
worsened. The standard of living was steadily increasing
for the peasants before the war. This was also because of
the immaturity of industrialization in China. Farmers did
not feel the benefits of cheap manufactured goods until
early to the mid twentieth century.
The
lack of industrialization invalidated another point under
Marxism. The Marxist theory stated that "the work of
the proletarians has lost all individual character ...
[and] becomes an appendage of the machine." One of
the reasons for revolting would be because workers only
had collective value and power through the work they
provide, worth even less than machines. One worker could
replace another, they were both equal and the same. It is
horrors like absence of job security, lack of protection
against dangerous machines, long work hours (usually over
seventy hours a week), and bare subsistence income (just
to name a few) which forces the workers to revolt.
Conditions were so poor that the life expectancy of the
urban industrial worker was thirteen years below those of
non-industrialized areas. Unindustrialized, China did not
have this problem. Since the horrors of industry were
known by relatively few, it made no impact in the rest of
China. It simply didn't apply to the peasants. The far
majority of the Chinese were farmers who retained
individuality both in themselves and their products.
Since most Chinese families owned their own plot of land,
they did not simply become replaced or fired for an
arbitrary reason. Whether due to injury or a depression
in the economy, the farmers still held some control.
Peasant farmers rarely became discontent for the same
reasons the proletariat does. At anytime, the farmers
could see the products of their hard work, take what they
made, and do as they wish with it That was something the
proletariat Marx had in mind could not do. The total
absence of direct power within a class which
fundamentally holds all the real power is an important
catalyst in a revolution. The injustice would have to be
corrected. This situation was lacking in a country like
China where the proletariat contributed to only a small
percentage of the total population.
China
was too different from the European industrial world of
Marx to apply completely to The Communist Manifesto. Its
large peasant population, and its small class of
proletariat differed greatly from the industrial slums
Marx was used to. Much of the Chinese not only owned the
means of production, but was also far from being the
faceless worker Marx described. Though the lack of safety
regulations and enforcement was appalling, its effects
rarely reached the peasant masses which made up most of
China.
After
the revolution took place, one of the fundamental
principals of Marxism was not met. There were clearly
class distinctions between politicians, and
non-politicians. Universities were abolished for the sake
of a classless society, yet some remained open. Those
universities only allowed admission to the children of
high ranking politicians. They're children were also
given the best jobs available despite their actual
capability. These politicians had many other perks,
include cars and a driver when many workers could not
even afford a bicycle. On the other end, people who were
against the government and how it is run, even if they
are Communists, people who were wealthy before the
revolution, and their family. They were given the worse
jobs at the lowest pay possible to survive. Manual labour
was forced upon them regardless of the number of degrees
they held, how intelligent or educated they were, or
their age. Some people were even executed for refusing to
work. Even though China claimed they had a classless
society, it was actually far from free of distinctions.
People were judged simply by who they were related to.
The
Communist Revolution of China is quite different from
Marxism and the outline from The Communist Manifesto. A
Marxist revolution relied on the consequences of
industry, which China lacked. Chinese Communists liked
the idea of communal living with minimal private
property, but their actions were different from Marxism,
a specific form of Communism. Although the Chinese
Communist Revolution's result shared similarities with
Marxism, the actual movement had few similarities. Marx
could not have imagined that a Communist Revolution would
be ended by major military confrontations between armies
of millions, nor the implementation of his industrial
regime upon an agrarian society. Though the proletariat
and peasantry are both of the lower class, their
similarities are considerable. The numerous deviations
from Marxism can be explained in terms of the immaturity
of Chinese industry. Applying a system ahead of its time
created the inconsistencies. The Chinese Revolution
cannot be an representation of Marxism not only because
of the undeveloped industries in China, but also what the
government did after the revolution.
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