To What
Extent Did The Japanese Invasion and World War II
Hinder Or Facilitate the Communist Revolution of
China?
Charlie Ma
The Japanese invasion and World War II
dramatically changed the Communist revolution of China
and the Nationalist revolution. Morale were hampered as
entire cities and industries were either evacuated or
destroyed. Spirits boosted after each victory whether
large or small. Official policies were modified or
abandoned. It strained resources for everyone, especially
during harsh times like the great famine. Armies were
strengthened, weakened, or destroyed. Japan brought the
civil war to an international level, creating new
opportunities. The attack which shocked China allowed the
two Chinese parties to be viewed under a different light.
Loyalties changed with public opinions. Political rivalry
became viewed more as fratricide to the public, and
decreasingly justifiable. The invasion tightened the
boundaries of political warfare, and reduced open war
between the Chinese Parties. Conditions forced
governments to take drastic steps it would not otherwise
consider. It allowed the country to view the fighting
governments in a new light, shifting public opinion to
favour the Chinese Communist Party.
The Nationalist government, or
Guomindang, were put into an unfavourable position by the
Japanese invasion. Before Japan attacked, the main
concern amongst the Chinese was which party would
dominate China. Japans invasion of Manchuria urged
many people to forget about the political rivalry within
China since having either Chinese party was better than a
Japanese one. The Japanese were hated bitterly for their
brutal treatment of the Chinese. Soldiers widely believed
any conduct was acceptable against Chinese civilians,
including rape, murder and pillaging which were common.
The Rape of Nanking is one example of demoralization
tactics Japan employed. "[Japanese] soldiers hacked,
burned, bayoneted, raped and murdered until they had
killed ... forty-two thousand civilians." Chinese
were killed on sight or saved as target practice
regardless of gender or age. The slaughter was barbaric.
A deep hatred of the Japanese quickly grew.
The concept of Chinese attacking
Chinese in a time of desperate war against a foreign
power was viewed by most as illogical and detrimental to
China as a whole. The Nationalists lost support for their
policy of "First unify from within then resist enemy
from without." It was viewed as fratricide, they
were weakening China instead of strengthening it. People
who thought the Nationalist movement was a triumph for
the Chinese became more skeptical. The internal rivalry
casted doubts about wether or not the Guomindang was fit
to rule China. A notion which developed was that if they
were more willing to kill Chinese instead of the real
enemy, then maybe the Nationalist government was no
better than the international puppet which they replaced.
Chiang Kai-shek was so occupied with the extermination of
Communists initially that he did not even attempt to stop
the Japanese expansion. The withdrawal of Chinese troops
in favour of the Japanese was even agreed to in the
He-Umezu agreement. Five northern provinces were planned
to become colonies of Japan, independent to China. Sixty
generals with half a million troops defected to the
Japanese. Most of the soldiers then joined the
Communists.
Chiangs unwillingness to fight
the common enemy shifted public favour so greatly that
soldiers who wanted to fight the Japanese enlisted with
the Communists instead. Many people felt the Nationalists
had betrayed their country. The policy of overthrowing
the western oriented government with an independent
Chinese one was what gain them support originally. When
people started to doubt the Nationalist governments
intentions, the Guomindang was put into the same position
as their predecessor. Taxation were sometimes as high as
fifty percent. Peasants became increasingly hungry,
miserable, and oppressed. The previous government was not
defeated by advanced weaponry, skilled soldiers nor aid
from foreign powers. The revolutionaries didnt even
have comparable weapons. Their only true weapons were
support from the people, and dedication to their cause.
Favouring to engage Communist forces over Japanese
invaders caused the people to question their government.
For a period, Chiangs existence was associated with
Japanese Imperialism. In some areas, people verbally
attacked Chiang Kai-shek and the Guomindang as much as
the Japanese.
People were so greatly opposed to
Chiangs policy of avoidance in fighting the
Japanese that even Guomindang officers mutinied to change
Chiangs his mind, and cease the Communist
extermination campaigns. This was especially true with
the "Manchurian soldiers, who naturally wanted to
recover their homeland from the Japanese. They felt they
had no quarrel with the Communists". Shortly after
Chiang arrived at Sian, he was captured by Chang
Hsueh-liang's soldiers. Chiang was offered the choice of
stopping the war against Communism or face execution
(which was an empty threat since his death would be
devastating to China). After much persuasion, Chiang
agreed to reestablish a united front. Although Chiang
Kai-shek later renounced all of his promises, with the
exception of one, he did reduced the anti-Communism
efforts. The definance from within his own military shows
the magnitude of the discontent, and how close they were
to overthrowing the government. They only let him
continue because Chiang agreed to fight Japan.
The pause in Chiang Kai-shek's ongoing
battle against Communism allowed military victory to slip
through. The Chinese Red Army had been significantly
weakened after the brutal Long March; it lost two-thirds
of its men. Not only were the Communists vulnerable due
to shortage of men, but also to shortages of almost
everything else. They needed everything from rifles and
ammunition to basic necessities like food and clothing.
The partial withdraw of communist containment gave them
many desperately needed opportunities.
A united front meant Communists would
be relatively free to move around and re-establish lost
contacts. When the containment loosened, Communists
scattered or hid across the country were allowed to
surface and regroup. It was also a chance to spread their
influence and recruit new patriots. The Communists were
viewed as the only power who were willing to fight the
Japanese. "The Nanking government never gave up its
aim of preserving its forces while destroying those of
its political opponents" Conscription gave the
Communists a superb opportunity for spreading Communism.
The war offered the Communists a rare chance to expand
their propaganda to almost everyone. Providing a
Communist atmosphere gave ample opportunity to convert
non-communists. The Guomindang could not ban Communist
recruitment without upsetting the war effort in the eyes
of the public.
The war not only helped to strengthen
the CCP, but also to weaken The Nationalist Army. The
delicate situations caused by World War II meant troops
for fighting Communism had to be deployed against the
Japanese. When Chiang became the Supreme Allied Commander
of the China theater, he became responsible for the
defence of Indochina, Thailand, and Burma. This meant
spreading his lines even thinner. Supporting the army was
already problematic: there were insufficient food, and
shortage of supplies. To make matters more difficult,
troops now had to supplied outside of China too. This
weakened the army overall. Not only were the soldiers
away from their homeland, but they also had to fight a
significantly superior foe.
War with Japan weakened both the
quantity and quality of the Nationalist army. Before
Japan joined the Axis powers, Guomindang had a promising
relationship with Nazi Germany. They were both
anti-Communist. She shared military knowledge with the
Chinese. Before Japan joined the Axis, German military
advisors helped to train Chinese soldiers, predominantly
from the Guomindang. They offered strategic advice to the
armies and opened Western style warfare to China. When
they officially became enemies, German aid was replaced
by minimal aid from the Americans initially. Only after a
couple of years was China granted the status equal of the
great allies and supplies were increased. The CCP however
was not treated the same. Chiang prevented the Communists
from receiving foreign aid. This wasa great benefit to
the Guomindang since both armies were poorly equipped to
start.
Although American aid to the Guomindang
enhanced their anti-communism fighting abilities, it came
with a heavy price. By nineteen ninety-four, Japan
realized she could not defeat the United States to win
the war. General Tojo reasoned that if he could move west
to capture Chongqing and force Chiang to surrender, the
Allies would question the need to continue the war. This
would allow Japan to negotiate for peace. It is said that
an animal is most dangerous when cornered. Japans
only chance of saving her empire rested on the defeat of
the Guomindang. This allowed the Communists to
consolidate their position while the Nationalists had to
handle all of Japans military might. This came at a
crucial time, near the conclusion of World War II when
the Chinese parties were preparing to concentrate on
warring for control of China. This was a great advantage
to the Chinese Red Army when the civil war officially
continued.
The Communists did not have to deal
with the Japanese as much as the Guomindang. Though small
scale attrition warfare was common amongst the
Communists, the Red Army contributed only one major
offensive. The Chinese Red Army did not engage the
Japanese under conditions where it could suffer
catastrophic defeats. Most of the Red Army elite were
reserved for after World War II much like Chiangs
Armies. Only Chiang was criticized for it because he was
the official government, and because his full time
soldiers are more noticeable than guerilla malitias. Both
the public in China and the international audience had an
unfair expectation on the Guomindang to sacrifice the
Nationalist armies to the Japanese. The double standard
made the CCP appear more appealing and patriotic, biting
into the glory of the Guomindang. This was
disadvantageous to the Guomindang after the war when
people preferred to enlist with Communists instead. Not
only did the Guomindang have less troops than otherwise,
but the situation also added to the negative image
resulted from heavy wartime demands.
Though the Communists had no obligation
to defend foreign targets such as the Burma road, they
did offer to defend China against Japan. They received
aid from the Nationalists in terms of supplies in
exchange for allowing Chiang to command their army
against Japan. In the southern Anhui incident, Chiang
ordered the Chinese Red Army into a mountainous region
where they were ambushed by Nationalist troops. This
ended any confidence between the two fractions, as well
as killing any hope of reconciliation. This event
depicted Chiang as cold, vicious, devious and scheming,
as though he was an enemy to China as well. The incident
resulted in heavy casualties, but it strengthened their
motivation. People who viewed Chiang as the hero of China
started to question his intentions even more. People who
were unsure saw him as despicable.
The effects of the Japanese invasion
extended beyond just partial unification of China. It
strained resources everywhere, especially for the
Guomindang. Most of its resources came from industries
and other urban commerce through capitalism. A large
portion of the revenue came from urban cities. Due to the
shortage of men, the Japanese only wanted to hold the
costal areas. The Communists were unaffected since they
concentrated in Northern China, mainly in Yanan. The
costal areas lost to Japan were where the Guomindang had
the largest centers of influence. Moving from Nanjing to
Chongqing cut the government from its roots. The revenues
from the Maritime Customs Service, as well as the opium
trade were knocked off. They also lost their echelon of
modern-trained administrators. Due to attacks, industry
was hampered. Industrial plants were dismantled and
shipped to safe areas upriver. The relocation combined
with damage suffered during air raids significantly
reduced industrial output. The response to shortages from
Guomindang was to print more money, which caused
inflation to spiral even more wildly. The massive
migration combined with the inflation and failure in the
war led to further deterioration of morale. People who
were used to a rich modern life had to revert to a
simpler, less pleasing lifestyle.
The Nationalist strongholds were
conquered by the Japanese, leaving them with heavily
dependant upon the rural areas. The dependency was viewed
more as exploitation by the public. Officials "were
buying up land from starving peasants for back
taxes." A report to Time was quoted saying
the "peasant loyalty had been hollowed to
nothingness by the extortions of their governments."
This loyalty would have been especially important when
World War II ends. The peasants would often misguide the
Guomindang armies with false directions, and lead them
into traps to be ambushed by Communists.
The Guomindang was unquestionably
corrupt. The unreasonable demands for support reflects
this. Large quantities of aid disappeared in the hands of
officials. Though no part of the corruption himself,
Chiang allowed its existence. This can be sustained only
when fighting against an inferior foe. This proved to be
catastrophic when they fought against a great military
power like the Japanese. A Chinese division officially
consisted of ten thousand men, but often had only two
thousand. The rest were imaginery name soldiers whose
wages fell into the pockets of generals and officials.
War with the Japanese gave the
Communists experience which could be later used against
the Guomindang. Guerrilla warfare was the optimal
fighting strategy against both the Japanese and
Guomindang. Both the Guomindang and Japanese used western
tactics and had superior weapons. A head on clash with
either power would almost certainly lead to a harsh
defeat. Fighting the Japanese was equivalent to training
to combat the Guomindang. It not only gave them more
experienced troops, but it also let them test new
administration techniques which would be essential later
when the Red Army grew to one million soldiers strong. A
by-product of this was an enhanced reputation. Chiang
Kai-shek was viewed as the father of China for defeating
the warlords. The Japanese war gave Mao and the
Communists a chance for equal glory. Chiang was not the
only viable leader of China.
The Japanese invasion brought an
unifying force, unfortunatly to the Guomindang. Communist
extermination campigns made the Nationalists look more
like traitors to their own country than a revolutionary
and liberating government. Communists became paritally
protected by cries fratricide. Discontent with the
government rose each time Nationalist troops avoided
engaging the Japanese. The Guomindang was increasingly
viewed as impotent against the raiding Japanese. So
discontent that the Nationalists had no choice but let
the Communists thrive in the unaccessable regions in
Yannan. The united front allowed the virtually beaten
Communists to not only rebuild itself, but also to expand
its influence and gain even more glory and power than the
Guomindang. World War II not only gave the Chinese Red
Army recognition, but also experience. It practiced
tatics on the Japanese which could later be used against
the Guomindang. The war also gave it a chance to test new
administration techniques which were vital later on when
controlling a vast army of millions. The war weakened the
Nationalist armies, and the loyalties of the public. The
war treated the CCP much better, winning them support and
soldiers. The double standard created by high expectaions
of the Guomindang put dominance of China within reach of
the CCP. The war was not completly unfair to Chiang
Kai-shek. He was able to recive aid on the pretence that
it would be used for resisting the Japanese. The cost of
the aid included defending foreign territory which spread
Chiangs defence thinner. The biggest determining
factor in the war was the support of the people.
Chiangs policies on World War II made the
Guomindang look not only feeble, but also dubious.
Loyalty became resentment as the Guomindangs demand
for support surpassed the ability of the people to
support the war. The Japanese invasion, and subsequently
World War II created stressful conditions which pushed
the Guomindang over the brink of collapse. If World War
II did not interrupt the civil war, the CCP would have
been crushed. Even Russians gave up hope of Mao
succeeding. Chiangs army found a way to defeat the
Red Army, and was on its way to their home base before
being forced to return to defend against Japan. Chiang
not only had a superior army and greater numbers, but he
also had a very successful propaganda campign against the
communists. The Communists were so weak after the Long
March that it would not have been able to put up any real
defence. The only alternative would be to cross into
Russia and continue their life there.
Endnotes
1. Edwin P. Hoyt,
The Rise of the Chinese Republic: From the last Emperor
to Deng Xiaoping. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1989), 175.
2. Barbara W.
Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China.
(Toronto: CollierÄMacmillan, 1970), 178.
3. Orville Schell,
Joseph Esherick. Modern China. (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1972), 93.
4. Edwin P. Hoyt,
The Rise of the Chinese Republic: From the last Emperor
to Deng Xiaoping. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1989), 148.
5. Jules Archer,
China in the 20th Century. (New York: Macmillan, 1974),
85.
6. Hyman Kublin,
China. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972), 186.
7. Percy Chen, China
Called Me: My Life Inside the Chinese Revolution.
(Toronto: Little, Brown & Company, 1979), 291.
8. Edwin P. Hoyt,
The Rise of the Chinese Republic: From the last Emperor
to Deng Xiaoping. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1989), 179.
9. Robert Cecil,
Hitler's Decision to Invade Russia. (Bristol: Bristol
Typesetting, 1975), 99.
10. Arthur
Cotterell, China: A History.(London: Random House, 1995),
284.
11. Edwin P. Hoyt,
The Rise of the Chinese Republic: From the last Emperor
to Deng Xiaoping. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1989), 179.
12. John King
Fairbank, The Great Chinese Revolution: 1800-1985.(New
York: Harper & Row, 1986), 248.
13. Orville Schell,
Joseph Esherick. Modern China. (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1972), 100.
14. John King
Fairbank, The Great Chinese Revolution: 1800-1985.(New
York: Harper & Row, 1986), 241.
15. Jules Archer,
China in the 20th Century. (New York: Macmillan, 1974),
84.
16. Edwin P. Hoyt,
The Rise of the Chinese Republic: From the last Emperor
to Deng Xiaoping. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1989), 181.
17. Jean Chesneaux,
Peasant Revolts in China.(London: Thames and Hudson,
1973),126.
18. Roy Thomas,
China: The Awakening Giant. (Toronto: McGrawÄHill
Ryerson, 1981), 86.
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